Home Feedback Contents Search Links

Land of Burton Abbey

Parent Page

Appleby Magna 
Village Site

 

 

Richard Dunmore looks at:

The Land of Burton Abbey at Appleby Magna

No. 8 in a series of articles 

Part IX - Medieval Open Fields (1)

FROM ENDOWMENT TO DOMESDAY

At the time of its endowment in AD 1004, Burton Abbey had acquired land at Appleby Magna from the will of its founder Wulfric Spot (see In Focus 4).

Domesday Book (AD 1086) recorded five carucates held by the Abbot of Burton at Appleby Magna (in Derbyshire), although one of these was leased to the Countess Godiva, widow of Leofric Earl of Mercia.  The Countess had also held three carucates of lands at Appleby Magna (in Leicestershire) on her own account.  So Burton Abbey was effectively farming half of Appleby Magna’s land at that time.  Although the two estates at Appleby were physically interlocked in the village (see In Focus 5) the bulk of the farmland was clearly separated with Burton Abbey’s ‘half’ lying to the north and west of the settlement in Derbyshire.

BURTON ABBEY LAND

Click picture for a larger view

The Abbot’s five carucate holding at the time of Domesday, was for geld.  This is clearly a tax assessment, rather like a rateable value.  There was ‘land for 5 ploughs’ indicating that the workable land area was also 5 ploughlands or ‘carucates’ in the Latinised language employed.  This amounts to roughly 600 acres (one carucate was nominally 120 acres).  The darker blue area on the map represents the approximate size of the Abbey’s estate, but the precise boundaries are not known.  We are also told that there were two ploughs in the demesne, contrasting with the single plough the men had.


The demesne of a normal manor was the land reserved for the lord of the manor’s own use.  The produce would be his for consumption or sale and the land would be worked according to customary service by the villeins and other feudal serfs under his control.  They had much smaller plots to work for their own produce, when they were not working for the lord.  The Domesday entry records that there were 8 villeins and one bordar (lesser serf) with one plough for their own use.

Burton Abbey’s land differed from a normal manor in that there was no resident ‘lord’, although there is likely to have been a central group of farm buildings, or grange, with a cottage for a bailiff or manager.  The notional demesne land would be taxed because the Abbey was effectively an absentee landlord working the estate for profit.

POST-DOMESDAY SURVEYS

We are doubly fortunate that the monks of Burton Abbey were meticulous in keeping records of their affairs and that John Nichols reproduced information from the Abbey Registers in his History and Antiquities of Leicestershire.  There are two medieval Latin surveys printed consecutively by Nichols (under a single heading) and which must be close to each other in date.  The heading (in translation) is; ‘Survey(s) of the Lands of Burton Abbey at the Time of Henry I and Abbot Nigel’, which narrows the date to the years AD 1100 - 1114, ie within 14 to 28 years of the Domesday survey.  Following so closely after Domesday (1086), these Abbey surveys enlarge on and help us to interpret the Domesday information.

The Surveys
Here is my translation (with the relevant footnotes) of the two surveys headed “Extent’ terrarum monasterii de Burton super Trent, tempore regis Henrici Primi, & Nigelli abbatis”. The bold emphasis and the layout are mine, and my comments follow below.

SURVEY(S) OF THE LANDS OF THE MONASTERY OF BURTON UPON TRENT, AT THE TIME OF KING HENRY I AND ABBOT NIGEL

In Appleby nothing is held ‘as demesne’ [see definition in the second survey below].  The land itself is assessed for four carucates. In this there are in total 40 and 9 virgates.  Of these there are 24 in the demesne land, and sufficient for three ploughlands [carucates].  The remainder, ie 25, the men hold by these means.
12 virgates are for customary service (ad opus) and 13 are for rent (ad malam).

Of those which are FOR CUSTOMARY SERVICE
11 villeins
hold fully 11 virgates, ie every single one 1 virgate. 
Of the twelfth virgate which remains, two villains hold halves, each one of course [holding] half a virgate.  Besides these there are three coscets (corseti); each one holds 1 acre, and works one day service.

Moreover, of those which are FOR RENT,
Godwin, who is a villein, holds        1½ virgates        for      4 shillings
Algar, who is himself a villein,          half a virgate      for      16 pence
Francis                                              1 virgate              for      32 pence
Richard                                             4 virgates            for      6 shillings 
Another Richard                             2 virgates            for      3 shillings 
Roger the priest                              2 virgates            for      3 shillings 
Herbert                                              2 virgates            for      3 shillings 14

 [The Second Survey follows on without a separate heading:]

       In Appleby nothing is held ‘as demesne’; ie which is not subject to the king’s geld.  Land in the demesne is 24 virgates, where there could be 3 ploughlands.  There are 24 bullocks; mares and foals; 300 farm sheep.  The land of the men is assessed for 20 virgates.

       THE ORDINARY VILLEINS (villani) are these:
Alwinus, Almirus, Lewinus, Almarus, Daura, Godricus, Hadaldus, Ordricus, Toki, Dan’[Daniel?]. 
        Each one of these holds one virgate; and works two days in the week, and makes all customary services which are performed by the villeins of Austrey, except that they fallow, set aside and store one acre, whereas here it is half an acre 15.
        Also Aluricus and Sewinus hold one virgate, and each of them works one day, and performs the aforesaid customary service.

       ORDINARY RENT-PAYERS (censarii) are these. 
Ranulfus holds one virgate for 22 pence, and makes the payment for his land twice a year, and increasingly with all his affairs he divides into three by turns: in low value coins, with food provided by himself, or thirdly with food provided by the abbot; and he owes 2 perches [of land] to Burton, and 2 in interest; and he is obliged to go to the court of pleas, and to the hundred court, and to the chase [?], and to carry weaponry [?] when ordered; he owes just so much rent, and is obliged to do just so much.
       The sons of Aluricus, [ie] Godricus, Ailwinus [and] Edricus, have 8 virgates, which their father held for them for 12 shillings, and for their bodily [military] service.

       Likewise, each of those who are both VILLEINS and RENT-PAYERS are these. 
Godwinus the priest holds 2½ virgates for customary service, and the other holding for rent with a half virgate for 4 shillings. 
Algarus holds 2 virgates for customary service, and 1 virgate for rent for 16 pence.  Those who hold land just as villeins and just as rent-payers, are obliged to make all customary service both of villeins and of rent-payers.
        These are the COSCETS (corseti). 
Walter holds 3 acres, and does 1 day’s service in the week.  Gerard similarly.  Aluricus similarly. 
        There are two OXMEN (bovarii) each of which has 5 acres, of these 4 having been sown, and 5 sheep for his calling; and their wives perform one day service.  However they hand over geese and sheep whenever they pay service. 1

[Nichols’ footnotes:]
14: Burton Register, fol. viii. b.
15.‘THESE ARE THE CUSTOMS OF AUSTREY in Warwickshire: “ He [the villein] works two days in the week.  He is obliged to go for salt and for fish, or to give 11 pence for each;   he sows seed; and again, he owes either a horse or 3 pence on account of the journey of the abbot to the court;  & he fallows 1 acre in summer on account of the fold and sets aside and stores seed for the time of sowing; & besides this he ploughs half an acre in Lent; and he pays pannage [right of pasturing especially pigs]; and he gives 2 hens at Christmas, and 1 penny or 1 wagon-load of wood and 20 eggs at Easter.
1. Burton Register, fol. xvi. a. b.

The Two Surveys
There is a subtle difference in emphasis between the two surveys which may reflect changes between the dates of the two documents and/or the attitude of those compiling them.  The first one stresses the type of tenancy: ad opus [for customary service] and ad malam [for rent] and names only those who paid rent.  This in itself is an improvement in detail on the Domesday survey, which does not name anyone.  The second survey identifies the type of tenancy by detailing the rank of the occupants;  these were the rent payers [censarii] and the serfs who did customary service: villeins [villani], lesser serfs [coscets, corseti, probable equivalent of the Domesday bordar] and oxmen [or ploughmen, bovarii]; and names them all except the oxmen. The surveys would have been carried out by monks or priests from the Abbey and the inclusion of a greater number of names shows an increased personal knowledge of the workforce.

Customary Service
All villeins and lesser serfs were bound to perform work and other services for the lord of the manor.  This was known as customary service, and was determined by local custom as the name implies and regulated by the manor court. The second survey says that the customary services performed by the Appleby villeins are modelled on those in operation at the manor at the neighbouring village of Austrey.  This manor was also held by Burton Abbey from the time of the Domesday survey and Nichols gives us the details in the footnote 15 (given at the end of the surveys, above).

Land Occupation
The land occupied by the tenants and serfs was measured in virgates.  Both surveys state that the 24 virgates of the demesne land is sufficient for three ploughlands.  The ploughland is another word for carucate, 120 acres (see above), so here at Appleby a virgate was 15 acres.

In the first survey, 25 virgates of land were cultivated by the workforce, 12 in return for customary service and 13 for rent.  We can see that the serfs doing customary service have generally 15 acres each (1 virgate) whereas the average holding of a rent-payer is about  30 acres (2 virgates) although one, Richard, has 60 acres (4 virgates).  The rent-payers are relatively ‘free’ men - ie free of obligation to the lord.  The reference to the total land area as ‘40 and 9 virgates’ (XL & IX) may indicate two physically separate blocks of land.

The second survey shows that there were 26 virgates cultivated by the men, although they were assessed for tax as 20 virgates.  There were 11 virgates of land cultivated by the villeins for customary service alone (although one of them was shared), 6 for a mix of service and rental (Godwinus and Algarus), and nine virgates were just rented.  The Abbey, like any other landlord, had to provide men for military service and the three rent-paying sons of Aluricus were detailed for this.

There is clearly a time gap between the two surveys, perhaps no more than one generation, as the are only two names which can be identified with any certainty as being in both lists.  These were Algar(us) and Godwin(us), the only two villeins holding land for customary service as well as renting other land.  Although their total land holdings have increased in the second survey, each continued to pay the same rent as before.  By the date of the second survey Godwin has become a priest, replacing Roger the priest of the first survey (see below).

Value of the Estate

At the time of the Domesday survey, the value of the estate at the time of King Edward (ie before 1066) was put at 20 shillings whereas in 1086 it was put at 80 shillings.  The meaning of the term ‘value’ is open to debate, but a reasonable hypothesis would be the rental which the holding could command.

Thirty or so years later, in the first survey, the area of land worked and the magnitude of the workforce had expanded.  The Abbey now had just over six carucates although it was assessed for four for taxation  (perhaps indicating poor quality of land newly won from the waste). 

The total rent due from the 13 virgates of rented land in the first survey was 23 shillings although the rental per virgate was surprisingly variable from plot to plot.  Scaled up to 49 virgates, this gives a valuation for the estate of about 87 shillings.  By the time of the second survey, slightly more land was cultivated (50 virgates).  The rental again varied considerably between tenants but taking an average value, the estate was probably valued at about 91 shillings.

A Debtor
In the second survey, the difficulty one tenant, Ranulfus, had in paying his rent is graphically described.  He had resorted to paying in small amounts with petty cash, or in kind with food grown by himself or by the Abbey, to which he also owed land and interest.  He was also required to do extra menial tasks: ‘He owes just so much rent and is obliged to do just so much’.  The problems faced by Ranulfus may also have been experienced by others who had struggled and failed to make an adequate living in the fluctuating economic conditions of the time.  The listing of livestock (bullocks, mares and foals and sheep) on the demesne land in the second survey possibly indicates a change towards pastoral farming and away from arable as the Abbey adapted to changes in the rural economy.  The struggling rent-payers may have not been able to adapt so easily.

The Lesser Serfs
The lowly coscets had only an acre each in the first survey, although this had increased to three acres in the second.  Their land was not included in the land assessed for tax and may have been marginal land recently won from the waste.  The increase in their holdings between the two surveys may show this process continuing.  The oxmen, or ploughmen, although not named individually were clearly key workmen, looking after the plough-teams and carrying out the ploughing.  They had five acres of land each (second survey).

The Priests
In each of the two Burton surveys, a priest is listed working land along with the other tenants.  These are exactly the worker-priests as described by David Parsons for the time of  Domesday (see In Focus 6).   It could be that these two priests, Roger in the first survey, and Godwin(us) in the second, were the Abbey’s bailiffs on the Appleby estate.  Godwin seems to have been a local man who was priested between the two surveys.  He in particular would have known the other men well and been able to list their names.

During the 12th century the establishment of local churches supported by tithes was under development and at this date the rectory with its patronage system may not have been set up.  Being priests, Roger and Godwinus may therefore have exercised parochial duties at the parish church. The developing parish system gradually replaced one in which minster churches with itinerant priests served a larger area, perhaps the Saxon ‘multiple estate’ (see In Focus 3).

‘The Grange’
I have suggested above that Burton Abbey’s land at Appleby must have had farm buildings for storage of grain etc. and possibly a dwelling for the supervising bailiff.  Where could these buildings have been?   Obviously they would have been on Abbey land to the west and north of the village.  I think that the most obvious site would be that occupied by Dormer’s Hall in the 17th and 18th century.  This lay a short distance west of the church and mirrored the manor (Moat House) building to the east.  


Click on image for a larger view
The existence of Dormer’s Hall itself is obscure and I shall write about it in a later article, but pottery fragments from the 12th and13th century (with others from the time of the Dormers) which I found on the site strongly suggest occupation of the site in the medieval period, long before the Dormers arrived. The Dormers had right of burial in the de Appleby Chapel of Appleby Church, a right which they must have acquired through the occupation of a site which had at one time been linked with the manor.  Burton Abbey’s land had been sold from the original manor land and it is arguable that this link passed through the various owners following the dissolution of the monasteries to the Dormers when they acquired it.
`Dissolution of the Abbey
At the dissolution of Burton Abbey in 1539, Nichols says that the lands ‘came to one Brereton of Cheshire, from whom the tenants not many years since (this was written in 1622) became purchasers’.  William Brereton also acquired Appleby Magna manor itself.  Subsequently, the reunited manor land was purchased by the Dixies of Market Bosworth as endowment for their Grammar School.  How the Dormers later came to acquire part of it is another story!

Pottery from the Site of Dormer's Hall

Click on picture for larger image


Notes & References

J. Nichols, History & Antiquities of Leicestershire, Vol. IV, part 2, 1811, p 427-8 prints two surveys consecutively under the title: ‘Extent’ terrarum monasterii de Burton super Trent, tempore regis Henrici Primi, & Nigelli abbatis.’ Henry I [1100-1135] and Abbot Nigel [1094-1114] overlap for the years 1100 to 1114.   The first survey (Burton Register folio viii.b) must lie within that short period of time. Although different in emphasis, the second survey (folio xvi.a b.) must be only a little later than the first.  Abbot Nigel’s dates are given by Denis Stuart in An Illustrated History of Burton upon Trent, Burton upon Trent Civic Society, post 1993, p 13.

Domesday Book, Warwickshire, folio 239a, [ed. J Morris, Phillimore, 1976] ‘Land of Burton Church  ... Burton Abbey holds 2½ hides in Austrey   .... Earl Leofric gave this land to the church.’   Clearly Burton Abbey had a more or less standard form of customary service which it imposed upon the serfs of the manors which it held and Appleby’s, with minor alterations, is modelled on that at Austrey.

John Hunt, in ‘Piety, Prestige or Politics’ in Coventry’s First Cathedral,  ed. G Demidowicz, Stamford, 1994, pp 105-108, discusses the irregular acquisitions of states by the House of Mercia (Leofwine / Leofric).  The lands of Burton Abbey, particularly at Austrey, are mentioned in this context (p 107, n 75).  Hunt says that Austrey manor must have been seized by Earl Leofric since it had been already bequeathed to Burton Abbey in Wulfric Spot’s will.  Leofric’s ‘gift’ to the Abbey mentioned in Domesday book was therefore no more than the restoration of legal possession.

R Welldon Finn, Domesday Book: A Guide, Phillimore, 1973, p 36 (lesser serfs: oxmen, coscets, cottars, and bordars); p 77 (valuation of manors)

David Parsons, ‘Churches and Churchgoing in 1086’ in The Norman Conquest of Leicestershire and Rutland, op. cit. p 38-39 (establishment of ecclesiastical parishes)

P. Liddle, Archaeological Report to Author, 1989 (pottery finds from Dormers Hall field)

J Nichols op. cit., p 436 (tombs of the Dormers)

J Nichols op. cit., p 430 (dissolution of Burton Abbey, acquisition of Abbey land and the original manor by William Brerton; and subsequently by the Dixies)

Peter Foss, The History of Market Bosworth, Sycamore Press, 1983, p 50 (Dixie School endowments)

©  Richard Dunmore July 2001

Back to Top